The Sensory Cities network launched its THiNK-KiT a couple of weeks ago – you can find it here. It’s a beautifully designed website with lots of resources for reseaching, designing, curating and representing the senses in the city.
I’ve just finished writing a chapter discussing the ways in which ‘smart cities’ are pictured in promotional videos. I’ve been working with twenty-one videos, all on YouTube, made by seven US and European companies: IBM, Microsoft, Intel, Cisco, Siemens, Thales and Vinci. The chapter is heading for a collection edited by Karin Fast called Geomedia, out next spring I think. It continues my efforts to think about how cities are being visually mediated in distinctively digital ways, and also in ways that are both representational and operative.
In the meanwhile, I’d like to offer these ten top tips for the makers of these videos.
Hope that helps, guys…
Earlier this month, Clare Melhuish, Monica Degen and I published another paper from our ESRC-funded project ‘Architectural atmospheres’, which looked at how computer generated images intervene in the architectural design process. This paper focusses particularly on how such images might be the sites for the postcolonial visualisation of urban redevelopment projects.
The paper is called “‘The real modernity that is here’: understanding the role of digital visualisations in the production of a new urban imaginary at Msheireb Downtown, Doha”, and it’s out in City and Society volume 28 number 2. Here’s the abstract:
This paper explores how Computer Generated Images (CGIs) have enabled the visualisation and negotiation of a new urban imaginary in the production of a large-scale urban development project in Doha, Qatar. CGIs were central not only to the marketing but also the design of Msheireb Downtown. Our study of their production and circulation across a transnational architectural and construction team reveals how their digital characteristics allowed for the development of a negotiated, hybridised urban imaginary, within the context of a re-imaging and re-positioning of cities in a shifting global order. We suggest that CGIs enabled the co-production of a postcolonial urban aesthetic, disrupting the historical Orientalist gaze on the Gulf region, in three ways. Firstly, they circulate through a global network of actors negotiating diverse forms of knowledge from different contexts; secondly, they are composed from a mix of inter-referenced cultural sources and indicators visualising hybrid identities; and thirdly, they evoke a particular urban atmosphere which is both place- and culture-specific, and cosmopolitan. The study emphasises the importance of research into the technical and aesthetic production processes which generate new urban spaces in the context of global market-led growth; and, by considering the circulation of CGIs between sites, contributes to the development of “a more properly postcolonial studies” (Robinson 2011, 17).
I took part a month or so ago in an event organised by Georgina Voss and Wesley Goatley. It was part of their Ground Resistance project at Milton Keynes International Festival, and as well as George and Wesley the panel also included Naomi Turner and Ramon Amaro. We were discussing how smart city data, design, algorithms and advertising make a lot of assumptions about the sorts of social life that happens in smart cities.
My post last week on designing a smart city for ‘women’ generated a few different reactions on Twitter, as well as a range of resources for further thinking. I thought it might be useful to gather them together.
Sam Kinsley (a smart man who blogs here) and Ayona Datta reflected on why smart city events are so full of men. Ayona pointed to the way in which tech businesses and startups are male-dominated, and also to the general ambience of ‘smart’ events.
Alexandra Notay usefully suggested some places to find female speakers on smart urbanism:
Alexandra Notay (@aknotay) April 22, 2016
I got some nice reactions from people who I am now following and learning from. For example, this one from the brilliantly named Urbanistas in London:
Intersting article and tackles many issues that resonate with our experiences @ProfGillian - would love to talk!—
Urbanistas HQ (@urbanistasuk) April 22, 2016
My favourite positive reaction, though, was probably this one, from City Regional Exchange in Cardiff. I appreciated its self-critique – though who wouldn’t smile like that with £1.2bn…
City Region Exchange (@CRE_CU) April 25, 2016
I was also sent some very useful comments on how a specific part of ‘smart’ in cities is gendered: energy use. Here’s geographer Harriet Bulkeley:
Harriet Bulkeley (@harrietbulkeley) April 25, 2016
Harriet Bulkeley (@harrietbulkeley) April 25, 2016
I also got to learn about the work of Yolande Strengers. She kindly sent me links to several pieces she’s written on the gendering of smart homes specifically. They’re great, and perfectly tread that line between acknowledging differences (especially gendered difference) but not reifying them. Try this piece in The Conversation on how adverts for the smart home assume a male householder and no domestic labour. Or her excellent piece written for the Association for Computer Machinery here, on Resource Man: the rational, bill-paying individual assumed by the smart energy industry and also often by the smart city industry too (of course you want to travel the most efficient route home; of course you’ll reduce your water consumption if you see it’s more than your neighbours’). (Her book is called Smart Energy Technologies in Everyday Life (Palgrave Macmillan, 2013).)
Vanessa Thomas shared a paper she’s written with Ding Wang, Louise Mullagh and Nick Dunn that explores what they describe as ‘situated understandings of smart cities’ – you can find it here, in the open access online journal Sustainability.
Eoin O’Mahony also got exactly where I was heading with my argument.
Eoin O'Mahony (@ownohmanny) April 25, 2016
Which was great, because other tweeters took my post in rather different directions.
(@icalzada) April 25, 2016
Does ‘smart’ happen when #women and #gender are added? That Modified Tweet really did modify my argument. My post focussed on how we think about ‘women’, ‘gender’ and ‘adding’. (And something that Yolande Strengers points out is just how white so many visuals of smart energy users are; ditto with smart cities. It’s not just ‘women’ who are either ignored or stereotyped.) I was suggesting that smart cities would become more open to all sorts of social differences if the data on which they rely was interrogated more carefully as it was made and used, so that its assumptions about social practices could be explored and multiplied. Yolande’s work similarly takes a somewhat sideways approach to ‘adding women’: she focuses not on the situatedness of data but on the complicated messiness of what humans actually do with objects and technologies, arguing that smart energy devices in homes need to be designed to engage with that messiness. Once you’re looking for messiness, whether in data or in what people do, you start to be genuinely open in your understanding of both technologies and what people do with them.
Whatever the precise tactic, ‘smart’ cities will surely be better achieved by engaging with the complexity of social life rather than by attempting to erase it.
I came across yet another smart city event yesterday with a line-up of speakers that was heavily male-dominated: 38 men and 12 women. I tweeted, “what difference does it make that men outnumber women speakers at a #smartcity event by 2 to 1? Sam Kinsley replied and pointed out, quite rightly, that this wasn’t actually as bad as some other events claiming to interpret the contemporary city (for a really shameful example, see Emily Jackson’s post here about a day conference organised by an ESRC-funded research project without a single female speaker – I can’t help thinking that someone high up in the ESRC should have a quiet word with the organisers).
Nonetheless, it’s not great, and it’s part of what seems to be a widespread marginalisation of women among the voices discussing and defining the ‘smart city’. (Ayona Datta joined in the twitter conversation, suggesting some reasons why it happens. ) One day I will find the time and energy to do a proper analysis of the gender balance in the images attached to the tweets of the main smart city players, for example, as well as a headcount of the speakers at the main smart city beanoes, just to confirm the point. In the meanwhile, after I’d read that event’s line-up of speakers and done just a tiny bit of counting, here a few thoughts.
I’m assuming that the overwhelming dominance of men in the smart sector does have a major impact: on what tech is designed and how, on how potential markets are perceived, on what data is collected and what even counts as data, on how the smart city is imagined and therefore built. (There’s so much relevant literature on how digital tech design reinforces various kinds of social differences that I’m just going to point to a useful website that summarises some of it here.) That impact will be both on what social identities are (often) visualised and assumed (both masculine and feminine) and also on what identies are then enacted as the data or device is used. It would be great though to see some research really work at that question and interrogate my answer (and another ESRC-funded project, led by my colleague Prof Parvati Raghuram, promises to contribute towards that).
But maybe a more interesting question is: how to put women into the smart city? Ok, so that’s already problematic. ‘Women’ are a hugely diverse group of course, who do a gazillion different things.
However, as social scientists, we also know that there are patterns of activity within those gazillions. Women still do more domestic labour than men. Women still do more childcare than men. Women still earn less than men. Women are still objectified as sex objects in demeaning ways. So a smart city for women might, say, be focussed a lot more on transport apps that don’t assume that the traveller is one adult, but might allow options for adult(s)+children+(contents of a shopping trolley). It might entail crowd-sourced mapping that pays as much attention to the various forms of childcare (breakfast clubs, nurseries, kindergartens, childminders, after-school-clubs, youth clubs) as it does to drinking venues (as Sarah Elwood and Agnieszka Leszczynski have argued here). The tech of a smart city would assume and enable a wide and diverse range of social actions by people in all sorts of combinations and conditions.
But of course we also want to challenge those patterns, and many other inequalities too. I’m currently touring a talk about corporate visions of smart cities and I often get asked about “bottom-up, participatory, critical alternatives” (a lot of assumptions going on there that should also be unpacked); the example of lot of questioners come up with are the many apps that allow women to log how safe they feel in particular locations and to send messages for help really easily in an emergency. On the one hand, great. City spaces are certainly not always easy for women to inhabit, and some apps make that even worse (again, Sarah Elwood and Agnieszka Leszczynski discuss this most excellently), so it’s fantastic that there are apps in response to that. On the other hand, there’s something profoundly depressing – and disempowering – when the most frequent way women appear in smart cities is as the victims of violence.
So asking about putting ‘women’ into smart cities is maybe not the right question, or maybe not the only question to ask. Not only does it erase the many differences among women, it also doesn’t always negotiate the line between ‘difference’ and ‘stereotype’ adroitly enough.
So maybe we also need a somewhat different agenda, which is more about moving between and against specific forms of difference via digital data and devices. There are those all-too-familiar issues that ‘women’ face. There are ways in which the design and use of digital devices can intensify those issues. But other digital activity might have quite other effects. In relation to those intensifications, for example, is there also something quite liberating, in some ways at least, to be mediated as a geolocated point in space, rather than as a visualised body encoded through gendered, classed, racialised and other ways of seeing?
Which suggests that, in a smart city, ‘women’ can be both: both embodied and a datapoint. Among other things (a selfie, eg). How then can ‘women’ be imagined, in a smart city?
This suggests that another approach to thinking about ‘women in a smart city’ would be to focus on how different social categories are constituted in the first place, when various things are done in cities with digital technologies. That’s the sort of question asked by lots of sociotechnical scholars, of course. But also by feminist scholars of data visualisations like Catherine D’Ignazio and the digital humanities like Johanna Drucker. Their work focuses much more on the production of data in the first place and its problematic relation to social identities and the practices through which identities are enacted – data’s diversity, provisionality and unreliability, its uncertainty – and it focuses attention in particular on the process of turning data into something – a platform, an app – that enables certain social performances. That is, it would be less focussed on ready-made categories of social difference and more on the processes of making data and making with data.
How would a mobility app or a city dashboard build that kind of data provisionality that into its interface? I have no idea! How would its users react? Ditto! But I would love to talk to interface designers about it.
Particularly because these are of course extremely sketchy and initial thoughts. I hope to elaborate them in future posts on how smart cities are visualised in particular – but it would also be great to hear them raised too in some of those flashy smart city events.
Geographer Derek Gregory was in Cambridge recently, delivering the Clare Hall (that’s a college, not a person) Tanner lectures. Called ‘Reach from the sky: aerial violence and the everywhere war’, the two lectures were fantastic, a forensic account of the histories and geographies of drone warfare delivered with panache and rich visuals. (Derek blogs about his work here.)
There were also three panellists responding to his lectures, journalist Chris Woods (check out his Airwars site), philosopher Gregoire Chamayou (author of Drone Theory) and legal scholar Jochen von Bernstorff, all also excellent. Videos of both Derek’s lectures and their responses can be found here.
The first point to make – not a trivial one – is that at what, as the chair pointed out is one of the most prestigious lectures to be invited to deliver (at least according to Wikipedia), everybody without exception on the platform was a man. And not only that, in the discussion time with the audience, the first 45 minutes were filled with men asking questions. I was waving my hand NEXT TO THE WOMAN WITH THE MICROPHONE and the chair still contrived to avoid asking me to speak. Finally, Chris Woods said he’d like to hear about drones from someone who wasn’t a man (thankyou, Chris) and I got to have my say.
So, what did I want to say? Here’s an expanded version.
Well, Derek’s was a rich and nuanced account of drone warfare, embedding it in the historical geographies of aerial warfare more broadly. One of Gregoire’s contributions was to say that there were also other contexts for understanding drones, not least the history of ‘counter-terrorism’, from urban police forces to colonial counter-insurgency operations. But there is another context that kept occurring to me as Derek spoke: smart cities.
The link between drone warfare and smart cities isn’t that obvious on the face of it, but bear with me. One of the reasons that drone warfare is increasingly acceptable to the states and organisations that conduct is that, as Derek described, it is embedded in a very specific set of spatialities, temporalities, visualities and subjectivities – and I would argue that many of those are shared with, or are at least very similar to, the rhetoric and practice of both drone warfare and smart cities. Here’s a list of some of those similarities:
1 advocates of both smart cities and drone warfare share an absence of historical narrative so that their technologies can be seen as new, modern, better and more desirable. (Which of course conveniently ignores various histories of failure, imprecision, rejection and unreliability.)
2 drone warfare and smart cities both claim to remove human actors from their practices. This is often achieved via the generation of data (both smart cities and drone warfare convert (some) people into geolocated data in order to track them), and the execution of decisions on the basis of data. There is thus a parallel between war being conducted by unmanned machines (drones) and smart cities being governed by databases and algorithms.
3 drone warfare and (many) smart cities are both managed through remarkably similar-looking command-and-control centres.
4 like drone warfare, smart cities rely on an elaborate cartographic and figurative visualisation in which the aerial view is central – and this appears in many of those command-and-control centres’ screens.
5 both are heavily masculinised fields of practice. Derek is very good on this in the first lecture in relation to drones, and I’ve blogged previously about the dominance of men in smart policy, product design and marketing. Derek also spoke at length about the ways in which drone warfare’s development was and is intimately bound up with (post)colonial power, and Gregoire underlined this too.
6 both smart cities and drone warfare are often resisted by the claim that they ‘dehumanise’ urbanism and war respectively (see point 2 above). In drone warfare, not only are the victims of bombs delivered by drone rendered less-than-human (usually by being labelled ‘terrorists’ before being converted into geolocated data), but it is also argued that the men and women who control the drones are estranged and alienated by their work. In smart cities, critics also complain that people are ‘reduced’ to data and that sentience is given to machines rather than people. One of the things I found most useful in Derek’s lectures was the way he resisted this rhetoric by ‘peopling’ both the drones – which require a massive human as well as technical infrastructure to run – as well as their victims – as human agents embedded in complex societies. Critics of smart cities tend to position the people/communities/inhabitants of cities against smart governance/corporations, as if the latter too aren’t run by people – which has various critical and theoretical ramifications, not all of which are helpful, I think.
Now clearly smart cities are not similar to drone warfare in the very fundamental sense that smart city tech is not designed to kill people. And all those parallels that I have nonetheless proposed need nuancing of course. Nonetheless, it’s interesting to speculate on what drives those similarities. The patriarchal and racist “god-trick” of seeing everything from nowhere, dissected by Donna Haraway many years ago? A deeply masculinist coding culture embedded in software corporations? Nigel Thrift’s (2011) neoliberal, affective, “security-entertainment complex”? A resilient scopic regime of surveillance, of the sort described by Nicholas Mirzoeff (2015)?
Whatever the answer, it’s a question that needs a lot more interrogation I think. And in relation to smart cities, it’s one which won’t entirely be address using the current critical theoretical tools of data ownership and participatory design…
Thrift, Nigel. “Lifeworld Inc—and What to Do about It.” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 29, no. 1 (2011): 5–26.
Mirzoeff, Nicholas. How To See The World. London: Pelican Books, 2015.
I had a lot of fun a couple of weekends ago at the Big Bang Data exhibition. It claims to show “how the data explosion is transforming our world”, and if it doesn’t manage quite that, it’s certainly worth a visit. It’s on in London and its run has been extended to 20 March – not surprisingly, as it was packed out on the Saturday afternoon I visited. Its website has lots of materials on things that are in the show if you can’t make it to London.
There’s lots to say about it. After a couple of artist installations to kick things off (Timo Arnall‘s Internet Machine and Ryoji Ikeda‘s gorgeous, entrancing Data.tron – and We Need Us by Julie Freeman is installed towards the show’s end), the exhibition was divided into zones that reflected pretty accurately a number of current academic ways of thinking about digital data: the materiality of ‘the cloud’; the ‘quantified self’; the massiveness of ‘big data’; ‘data for the common good’, looking at participatory uses of data and digital devices; ‘data is beautiful’. Each zone was full of examples of different kinds of engagements with digital data, by artists and designers and activists, and there were also a few (rather gestural) citations of earlier, pre-digital examples of images doing apparently similar things. There was also a massive ‘London Situation Room’, with a number of very large projections of various data streams from the city by Tekja, as well as two consoles with interactive screens of various kinds.
The variety was fascinating.
However, the variety also served to obscure what I felt by the end was actually a rather uncritical approach to digital data. Continue reading
There seem to be a few exhibitions around at the moment – as well as one that ran for a few weeks and closed at the end of November, in Riga, called Data Drift – that look at the intersection of digital data and digital visualisations of various kinds. Maybe there’re always these sorts of exhibitions around and I just haven’t noticed them, but if there aren’t, it’s kind of interesting that I found four in the past month or so.
One’s at Somerset House in London, focussing on data and called Big Bang Data, until the end of February.
Another is called Animated Wonderworlds at the Museum fur Gestaltung Schaudepot in Zurich. It’s curated by Suzanne Buchan and runs til 10 January. I was hoping to get to this one, but my plans were scuppered so I’ve had to make do with the exhibition catalogue and a YouTube video. It’s focussed on animation rather than on digital data specifically but does include some data visualisations, and the catalogue has a great essay by Suzanne, which talks about just how pervasive digital animations are now.
And the third is at the Institute for Unstable Media (what a great name – though I guess all institutes are made of unstable media…) in Rotterdam. Its title is Data in the 21st Century and it’s on until 14 February, exploring the frictions between ‘data’ and ‘reality’, according to its homepage.
As I haven’t actually been to any of these shows, this is more of a hand-wave than a proper blog post. Interesting, though, that there’s so much work by artists, designers and digital humanists (Lev Manovich features in all but Digital Wonderlands, I think) using visualisations to interrogate data. The claim that data – especially the big data sets generated by so much of the digital infrastructure of everyday life now – is understood more easily if it’s visualised is one that’s made very often. I’m not so sure. As others (like Johanna Drucker) have worried, once data is visualised, certain questions about it are prioritised over others. A visualisation (as Suzanne Buchan argues about animations) invite affective responses, they let us “see the unseeable”, to quote Suzanne, and we can get carried away into their beautiful, glowing worlds. That can be a wonderful thing. But it also makes the robustness of the data, and the process of visualisation (both the technical process and the labour process) much harder to see, in fact. Making something visible always seems to entail making something else much less visible.
For my keynote lecture at the International Visual Methods conference held in Brighton in September this year (you can read it and link to the Prezi here), I prepared a Prezi. Prezi is cloud-based software for making visual presentations (or at least the free version is cloud-based), and I’ve been using Prezi instead of Powerpoint for some time now. I’ve got to the point of reflecting on it not just as a new toy to be played with but also, like any toy (or digital device), thinking about how it’s shifting what I do in presentations.
Prezi is basically an empty space onto which you can position various things – images, text, audio files, videos, links to websites – and you then frame them in various ways with boxes and brackets and arrows and so on. You then specify a route for moving between the frames, and can do that in any direction. You can also zoom into the space and zoom out again. According to its Wikipedia entry, this means Prezi works in 2.5D because it positions things closer or further away on a flat screen.
It’s useful for a number of reasons. You don’t have work through a linear text in the way that Powerpoint encourages; you don’t have to exit to play a YouTube video; you can zoom into points of detail and then zoom out again to get an overview of your main argument. So Prezi is a useful tool for positioning things in relations, in hierarchies, in networks (it’s as much spatial as visual).
I like it for presentations because it can show the structure of an argument or an analysis really clearly, as well as carry lots of empirical material. At the International Visual Methods conference I also heard a couple of other uses for Prezi, which both used it more as a way of organising research data than as a presentation device.
The first of these was the Everyday Childhoods research cluster at the University of Sussex. Their Face 2 Face research project looked at how young people use different kinds of media devices. Researchers conducted micro-ethnographies which involved researchers spending an ordinary day with each child and documenting their lives across home, school, leisure spaces etc. They asked their research participants to keep a diary of their media use over 24 hours, and take photographs too, and the research team then used Prezi to collate the resulting materials. You can see the Prezis here (you can choose to make a Prezi public and shareable) – use the ‘case studies’ tab at the top of the page. Not only do these Prezis carry a diverse range of materials, you can choose to explore the young people’s days chronologically or not.
A second use of Prezi as a means of presenting research data was discussed by Darren Umney. He describe how he used it to manage part of the data he was gathering for his research on debates about a nineteenth-century railway development: his Prezi contains scans of 61 newspaper articles that covered the building of a railway line in the 1830s, and he uses Prezi’s collage-ing and zooming abilities to annotate the articles, arrange them in time-lines, group them into thematic categories and show the relations between those categories, and the links between categories and his conceptual terms. As you move from the data to the concepts, you zoom out in the Prezi. You can explore his method for managing data in this way on his blog here.
Prezi is notorious for that zooming, and for the nausea that it can create in people watching a Prezi, especially if it’s being projected onto a big screen. All the advice you can get on using a Prezi therefore tells you not to zoom too much, too fast or too often. I’d agree with that: don’t zoom too much. My other bit of advice is to map the layout of your Prezi before you start – I wonder how much pre-planning Darren did before using Prezi to work on his thesis analysis. (There’s much more good advice on Prezi’s own site, of course, and also on this LSE Impact Blog post – give yourself a couple of hours to watch the tutorials and practice and you should be good to go.)
I’m also now thinking that moving from Powerpoint to Prezi may have a relation to how visual culture is changing. Thomas Elsaesser has argued that the ubiquity of digital visualisations of many kinds means that a shift is taking place, from framed images structured by the rules of Cartesian perspective to a mobile, unharnessed, 3D visuality. His main example is 3D cinema, but Monica Degen, Clare Melhuish and I also used his essay to think about the spatiality of still CGIs. And Prezi’s frameless zooming also looks like a perfect exemplification of his argument.
The question I have to ask myself though is about my predilection for the final zoom that reveals the grand structure underpinning my presentation. Does it make my position so clear that its positionality and construction are also evident? Or is it rather too close to comfort to the god’s-eye viewpoint so thoroughly critiqued in the early 1990s by Donna Haraway, among others?
Elsaesser, Thomas. “The ‘return’ of 3-D: On Some of the Logics and Genealogies of the Image in the Twenty-First Century.” Critical Inquiry 39, no. 2 (2013): 217–46. doi:10.1086/668523.